In recent debates on Zimbabwean politics with cdes, we ventured into aspects of our national liberation struggle and the key aspects of what was then referred to as ‘morari!’ The English language version of this term would be ‘morale’. And in the same language it would basically refer to a specific ‘enthusiasm’ within a group of people in a particular moment for a particular cause. Be it in competitive sport, work or political shared ’causes.’
It’s very much behavioural and in the contemporary has been used in what is now being referred to as ‘team-building’ exercises. With song, energetic sporting exercises and somewhat ridiculous mind games!
Even in our churches, you will find ‘morale’. Again through either enthusiastic singing, charismatic priests/pastors/preachers and famed miracle workers. But there is an historical distinction between ‘morale’ and our Shona version of ‘morari!’
As alluded to earlier the term ‘morari’ emerges from our liberation struggle history and political-cultural ethos. It mainly referred to the ‘mood’ in our then liberation training camps in Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, Libya and even Algeria. Interestingly this ‘morari’ was a combination of the final liberation struggle objectives, consciousness, song/ music, literature, lectures and physical training/practise.
With historical hindsight this is sometimes referred to as ‘propaganda’. Or ‘ideological indoctrination’ of our liberation struggle fighters and the ‘povo!’ The reality of it was that it was a pointed political culture as learnt from Maoist doctrine in the context of identifying, retaining and building an optimism of inevitable victory towards independence for the liberation movements fighting settler and global colonialism/imperialism.
In this case ‘morari’ in our instance of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle became not only an organic body of ideological socialist thought but also via cultural productions such as song, music, lectures, literature and strict discipline, a lived experience. In this ‘morari’ becomes both an ‘idea’ and a ‘practice’. Making it a political culture that links ideology, physical struggle and collective understanding of a political objective!
In other words if there was no ‘morari’ our liberation struggle would not have been won. Hence a number of books around songs, literature and African religion that helped Zimbabwe become free have been written! It essentially means ‘morari’ was not just hearing Cde Chinx or Cde Solomon Skhuza belt out liberation songs in their high powered baritone voices on short wave radio stations.
They only represented the more popular expression of a ‘morari’ that was embedded in our national liberation steuggle political psyche. From ‘pungwes’ to contact battle narratives through to the role of African spirit mediums and the role of progressive remote Christian churches. Make no mistake, ‘morari’ had a sub-culture of extreme political violence that accompanied it.
This was via again ‘pungwes’ and narratives of sellouts or in the liberation training and refugee camps where the now infamous ‘prawn’ position was used to discipline errant cadres. The key point about ‘morari’ however is how it applies both theoretically and in practise in our national political present.
By virtue of its liberation struggle genesis, ‘morari’ is an ideological practice of the combined/united ruling Zanu Pf party. It is what in post independent Zimbabwe drove the same party to not only seek a one party state but also to deal ruthlessly with the opposition parties that emerged over the last 46 years.
Even while singing, chanting, praying and writing about necessity of the violence that ensued particularly with the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) and in the 2008 tragic political violence spearheaded by sections of our war veterans.
All in the name of liberation struggle ‘values’ that had been cultivated by ‘morari!’
On the other hand the mainstream political opposition while borrowing not only songs but consciousness from the liberation struggle history, misunderstood the organic nature of the theory and practice of ‘morari!’ It mistakenly misunderstood it to be ephemeral/temporary. Or that it was only necessary toward an election.
That is to say, it thought that its members/supporters were only to be seriously motivated for elections and not in-between them. So the opposition’s approach to ‘morari’ was inorganic. And not only that. It was scattered by interventions of ideological disparity, religious assumptions, local/global capital and high levels of messianic tendencies.
As opposed to the collective responsibility required by the theory of ‘morari’. I will not expand further on the opposition because I would then have to over-explain where they got it wrong thus far.
Save to say ‘morari’ is not ephemeral. It is the character of your organisation. It is something that your member(s) never forget. It is the organisation’s history as a political weapon for renewal and recruitment.
So as we look at Zimbabwe’s political future and inevitable political struggles, remember ‘morari!’, as a necessary political theory.
You can also now refer to me as ‘cde Morari’ if you have read to the end!
This article was first published by Takura Zhangazha and it is published here with permission of the writer.
*Takura Zhangazha writes here in his personal capacity
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